David Cameron's pledge to rule as a one nation government oozed sincerity in equal measure to the Francis of Assisi guff served up by Margaret Thatcher in 1979.
A more recent parallel would be with Benjamin Netanyahu's spurious hand of friendship offered post-election to Israel's Palestinian minority after he had slithered across the finishing line by dint of sickening "the Arabs are coming" propaganda.
Cameron's victory was built on an orgy of anti-Scottish rhetoric, conjuring up the spectre of a weak Labour minority government propped up and blackmailed by a voracious SNP bloc.
Ed Miliband's defensive responses to this scenario failed to convince English voters in many target seats, allowing the Tories to resist the Labour challenge and devour their Liberal Democrat allies.
The Tory leader's constant warnings about the power and single-mindedness of the SNP, together with Nicola Sturgeon's very capable campaign, helped to convince half of Scottish voters that only the SNP would defend the interests of Scotland and its people.
Sturgeon stressed that her party's campaign was directed primarily against the Tory-Liberal Democrat austerity agenda, emphasising that the SNP would under no circumstances prop up a Tory administration.
She gave her word not to use the scale of her party's vote to press for another independence referendum, although that promise is unlikely to extend beyond next year's Scottish parliamentary poll.
Labour could highlight the effect of Ukip in several contests where Tory candidates benefited from that party's intervention.
However, Labour must be self-critical because Ukip was only able to pose as a champion of alienated and forgotten working-class voters because so many of these erstwhile Labour voters felt neglected and taken for granted by "their" party.
New Labour's flirtation with the City, privatisation and cosseting the minted minority led to an inexorable decline in Labour's vote after the resounding 1997 general election victory.
Entire communities that had experienced the closure of great swathes of heavy industry, with the loss of well-paid skilled employment, were abandonment by New Labour's reliance on markets rather than state intervention to create good jobs.
Tony Blair and Gordon Brown's Labour Means Business approach saw a widening gap between rich and poor while their continuation of the Tories' council housing privatisation forced low-paid workers to seek accommodation miles away from their parents.
Ed Miliband's proposals on the minimum wage and private landlords were insufficient to convince many working-class voters that Labour was their party.
Millions switched to the Greens or Ukip, depending on whether they wanted opposition to austerity or were content with blaming their woes on Romanian immigrants.
Despite polling up to give million votes between them, these parties returned just one MP each although, fortunately, the excellent Caroline Lucas will once more carry the Green banner in the Commons.
Miliband has chosen to fall on his sword, accepting his share of blame for Labour's defeat.
Less honourable have been the new Labour walking undead such as John Reid and Jack Straw who recognise no responsibility in the governments of which they were part of Labour's current disarray.
Their calls to return to the policies that gutted Labour of principles, membership and votes should be given short shrift.
Labour MPs, trade unions and the whole labour movement should unite to challenge the Tories' austerity agenda on a daily basis and to build workers' confidence that Cameron's crew can be defeated and replaced long before 2020.

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